Comparing Theoretical Contributions Of Park, Drake And Cayton To Understanding Social Organization

JustinLamoureuxProf.StarmanSOC51229October2023SameSchool,(Slightly)Differ entPath:ComparingTheor eticalContributionsofPark,DrakeandCaytontoUnderstandingSocialOr ganizationandtheEconomicSocialInstitutionTheemer genceofsocialor ganizationisahighlycomplexphenomenon.ItisadevelopmentforwhichmanyAmericantheoristshavepresentedexplanationsincrediblysophisticatedinnature.Thisessay ,however ,willfocusentirelyonthecontributionsmadebyRobertPark,aswellasSt.ClairDrakeandHoraceCayton.Individually ,eachtheoristadoptedauniqueapproachtodecipheringtheoriginsofcommunityandhierarchicalstanding.Deeplyscientificinprinciple,Parkdrewontheidealsofsocialdarwinismtoexplainthemultifacetednatureofsocialorder .DrakeandCayton,meanwhile,gainedmostoftheirinspirationfromthesocialtrendsobservedinspecificcommunities.Indeed,theirintensedevotiontounderstandingtheroleofsuchdevelopmentsisapointofmajordissensionwithPark.Despitecrucialdif ferences,though,beliefspromulgatedbyallthreeholdvitalimplicationsforthefunctionalityoftheeconomyasamajorsocialinstitution.TheyarelikewiseunitedintheirmutualascriptiontobasictenetsoftheChicagoSchoolofthought.Throughbasicmethodologicalsimilarities,sharpdichotomiesinfocus,anddistinctivetheoriesofemer gence,Park,DrakeandCaytoncomplementeachothertopresentasubstantivelookattheoriginsofgeneralandeconomicsocialorder .Inthemostfundamentalsense,Parksoughttopromoteasociologicalschoolofthoughtlar gelyrootedinscientificconceptslar gelyexplanatoryofelementarysocialphenomena.HeavilyinspiredbythephilosophyofCharlesDarwin,heenvisionedasenseofdualisminhumanecology:thatis,naturalcompetitionaccompaniedbycooperationandbeneficialrelationships.Whileherecognizedthathumansocietiesdiver gedfromDarwinistprinciplesinsocialandmoralorderswithnoequivalentonnon-humanlevels,Parkusedsuchidealstojustifytrendslikeurbaninequalityandfreemarketcompetition(Park,1936,pp.65-73).Nevertheless,Parkmadeaseriesofvitalcontributionstosociologywhichlar gelyfurtheredDarwinistbeliefs.Introducingaconceptknownsimplyastheweboflife,heemphasizedtheinterdependenceoflivingor ganismswithinasharedhabitatbyfocusingintentlyonthreekeycharacteristics.Inadditiontobeingterritoriallyor ganized,Parkpositedthatitmustbegroundedinthesoilitoccupies(Park,1936,pp.65-73).Healsonotedthateverycommunityshouldhaveanor ganicunitthataccountsforthecomplexprocessesthatcomprisethesocialworld:forallaccountsandpurposes,thisdefinitestructureisunderstoodtomeanthehumanlifespan.Speakingfromabroaderperspective,Parkproposedtwocoreecologicalprinciples:dominanceandsuccession.Theformertendstodeterminethegeneralecologicalpatternofthecityandthefunctionalrelationofdif ferentareastoeachother .Thelatter ,meanwhile,representsanorderlysequenceofchangesthroughwhichacommunitypassesinthecourseofitsdevelopmentfromunstableandtemporary ,tomorestableandpermanent.Collectively ,theseexplainhowcompetitionandchangeoperateinbothnaturalandsocialcommunities.ForPark,humanecologywasafoundationalconceptthatinvolvedthefigurativedissectionofeconomic,political,andmoralorders.Inbringingscientificprinciplesintoconversationwithstrictlynon-scientificconcepts,helaidauniqueframeworkforinvestigatingthemaintenanceofbalanceandthetransitionbetweenstablesocialorders.Park ssociologicalcontemporariesweregenerallyfarlessscientificintheirapproachtounderstandingcomplexaspectsofthehumansocialorder .DrakeandCaytonwerehardlyanexception:thesepivotalphilosophersascribedtoaschoolofthoughtheavilyinfluencedbythetiesandprocessesthatcharacterizespecificcommunities.TheyexaminedsuchaphenomenonatthemicrolevelinBlackMetr opolisthroughanalysisofChicago sBronzevilleneighborhood.AccordingtoDrakeandCayton,thepredominantlyAfrican-AmericanBronzevilleisaculturallyandeconomicallyvibrantplace:numerouschurchesandbusinesseslinethedowntownarea,withhistoricalandactivisticrootsholdingdeep.Still,theareaisknownforstarkdisparitiesbetweenneighborhoods:theseincludehigherratesofsicknessanddeath,aswellasloweraverageincomes(Drake&Cayton,1945,ascitedinGarner&Hancock,2014).BlackMetr opolisincludesanoutlinebyDrakeandCaytonregarding"axesoflife"inBronzeville,whichprovidedamultifacetedperspectiveontheexperiencesofresidentsofthiscommunity .Stayingalivehighlightsthechallengesofsurvival,withmostBlackindividualsholdingmeagerjobsandfacingsocialfactorslikedisease,overcrowding,andhazardouswork.Havingagoodtime,meanwhile,portraystheresilienceandvibrancyofthecommunitythroughsocialandrecreationalactivities,despitepovertyanddiscrimination.PraisingGodemphasizesthesignificantroleofreligioninthelivesofBronzevilleresidents:thisnodoubtplayedasignificantroleinformulatingvaluablesocialtiesthatexistbetweenmembersofthecommunity .Gettingaheadillustrateshowsuccessandupwardmobilityweremeasuredbythetransitionfromlow-wagetohigh-wagejobsandcorrespondingspendinghabits.Finally ,Advancingtheraceunderscorestheperpetualawarenessofbeingaminority ,theprevalenceofracialinjustice,andtheimportanceofracialprideandunityinthefaceofadversity .DrakeandCaytonhadastrongpropensitytoviewmattersofsocialor ganizationthroughconceptsandissuesthatwererelevanttolifestyleandcircumstances.Indoingso,theydemonstrateconcessionsmadebyParkregardingthelimitsofscientificprinciplesinasocialcontext.Thesetwosociologicalapproachesarehardlywithouttheirsimilarities.Fromarudimentarystandpoint,ParkisbroughtintoconversationwithDrakeandCaytonthroughaseriesofparallelsunderscoredbytheircommonbeliefintheChicagoSchoolofThought.Thisincludesasharedemphasisonaspecificplaceorenvironment:thecommunity .JustasDrakeandCaytonemphasizedthechurchandneighborhoodsaskeyaspectsoflifeinBronzeville,Parkimploredhisaudiencetolookatthepopulationandcustoms(e.g.,religion)tounderstandthefabricofsocialor ganization(Park,1936,pp.65-73).Nottomention,bothfocusedoninstitutionsasbeingamechanismfordistinguishingbetweensocialclasses:Parkhypothesizedtheamountoffreedomamanenjoysdependslar gelyonhiseconomiclevelinthecommunity .ThisissimilartohowDrakeandCaytonusedthepredominanceofeconomicclassestodistinguishbetweenBronzevilleandtheBlackGhetto,whichef fectivelycharacterizesthelesseconomicallyprivilegedneighborhoodsalongChicago sBlackBelt(Drake&Cayton,1945,ascitedinGarner&Hancock,2014).Theclosetieswhichexistbetweenthefundamentalnatureoftheirideaslar gelymanifestthemselveswithinabroaderframeworkofhumanactivity .Park,Drake,andCaytonallseektounderstandtheveryprecisefactorsthatserveascatalystsfortheunfoldingofspecificdynamicsthatservetolinkindividuals,ortearthemapart.Ideologicallyspeaking,thereisstillnoallusionofcompletemonolithismintheiranalyses.Notwithstandingthedeep-seatedcommonalitiesoftheirinterpretations,DrakeandCaytonservetodistinguishthemselvesfromParkwithaheavyemphasisonraceasasociallydivisivefactor .ThroughoutBlackMetr opolis,DrakeandCaytonseektoinvokethechallengesfacedbymembersoftheblackcommunityatdisproportionatelevelscomparedtootherraces.WhencharacterizingthedowntownareaofBronzeville,theymentionhowblackmerchantsmustcompetefiercelywithwhitesforthechoicestcommercialspots(Drake&Cayton,1945,ascitedinGarner&Hancock,2014).Thereisalsomuchtalkofblackowneddepartmentstores,andblackschoolsorchurches.Inmakingthesedistinctions,DrakeandCaytonseektoplacetheblackmetropolissquarelyinaworlddesignatedforwhiteness:Bronzevillemighthaveanoverwhelminglyblackpopulation,butculturalracismgivesresidentstheimpressionofhavingaprecarioussenseofcontrolovertheircommunityanditsidentity .Conversely ,Parkdoesnotmentionraceinhisworks:whenheintroducestheprinciplesofdominanceandsuccession,hedoessoinstrictlygeographic,political,oreconomicterms(Park,1936,pp.65-73).Hisfocusoncommunicationandconsensusbetweendif ferentgroupswhollyexcludesthesocialconstructofrace,aimingtodistinguishthemeritofcommunitiesstrictlybasedonhowtheyexpressthemselves.Itwouldnotbeinappropriatetosuggestthatalinkexistsbetweenraceandculture:afterall,thisislar gelythebasisofDrakeandCayton swriting.Buttheyarenotfullyintertwined:forallintentsandpurposes,cultureisauniquecomponentthatcreatessocialdivisionsinconjunctionwithadditionalfactors.WhereasDrakeandCaytondrewonracetounderstandhowthislooks,Parkchosetoapproachtheconceptwithavaguelookatwhateachcommunityhasordoes.Despitetheiroccasionallystarkcontrasts,boththeoristsof ferintriguinginsightshelpfultounderstandingtheeconomyasasocialinstitution.Thelar gelyscientificanalysisofsocialor ganizationgivenbyParkshedslightonhowtheeconomyevolvedtoitscurrentstate,whileDrakeandCayton'sdisparity-orientedperspectiveservestocontextualizetheenduringnatureofthisparticularstructure.ThedualisminhumanecologytowhichParkfrequentlyalludesmayprovideanaturally-fittingexplanationfortheinterplaybetweeneconomicclasscompetitionandbeneficialrelationships(Park,1936,pp.65-73).Inotherwords,theworkingclassbolstersthemanagementclassbymanufacturingproductsforthemtosell(i.e.,of feringgoodsandservices):themanagementclass,meanwhile,supportstheworkersbysharingwealthintheformofwages.Similarly ,theconceptofdominanceillustrateshowdif ferenteconomicclassesmightor ganizethemselvesincertainpatternsbasedonwealth.Itcouldalsoalludetotheclassificationofspecifictrades,withwhite-collarjobs(e.g.,financeormedicine)beingconsideredsuperiortoblue-collarjobs(e.g.,maintenanceorcustodialwork).Onaslightlydif ferentnote,theracializedlensthroughwhichDrakeandCaytonviewthesocialworlddemonstrateshowsystematicallylimitingthekindsofjobsavailabletomembersofacommunityperpetuateseconomicinequalityovergenerations(Drake&Cayton,1945,ascitedinGarner&Hancock,2014).InBlackMetr opolis,manyresidentsofBronzeville(a.k.a.theBlackGhetto)aretrappedinpovertybyaviciouscycleoflow-payingjobsandracialdiscrimination.Theyhaveinheritedthiseconomicstatusfromtheirparents,andwilllikelypassitontotheirchildren.Thewidespreaddestitutionandlimitedjobopportunitiesreflectaneconomystructuredtomakegettingaheadexceedinglydif ficultforanyonewhogrowsupinthiscommunityaspiringtoahigherlevelofwealth.Theeconomyisacomplexsocialinstitution,characterizedbyamultitudeofpersistentor ganizationaltrends.Butwhilesuchinclinationsarewellestablishedatboththecommunalandsocietallevels,theycannotbeexplainedingeneralorindividualtermsalone.Inthissense,ParkcomplementsDrakeandCaytonflawlessly:theformerprovidesabroaderoutlineforhowdif ferenteconomicclassesinteractwitheachother ,whilethelattertwofixtheirsightsonasocialfactorthatoftencarriesgreatinfluenceoversomeone spositionwithintheeconomy .T ogether ,Park,DrakeandCaytoncraftavantagepointforlookingatsocialor ganizationthatrunsunparalleledindepthandcomprehensiveness.Throughafiercedevotiontoscientificthinking,Parkef fectivelychampionsatheoryofemer gencethatdemonstratesindarwinisttermshowcommunities(andinstitutions)fallintoplace.Comparablyardentintheiradoptionofarace-basedethnographicapproach,DrakeandCaytonjustifythesignificanceofthissocialconstructbylinkingitwiththeveryfoundationandpredicamentofacommunity .Whilethismightbeconsideredawedgeissueonwhichtheydif fergreatlywithPark,theirrespectivecontributionstoportrayingtheeconomyasasocialinstitutionof ferahighlybalancedunderstandingofitsvariedinnerworkings.Theimmaculateframeworkinwhichthisviewpointisgroundedcouldonlybeattributedtotheirsharedemphasisonaspecificplaceorenvironment,orinstitutionsasameansofdif ferentiatingbetweensocialclasses.BothofthesepenchantsareseenascoreprinciplesoftheChicagoSchool.Indeed,theselar gelycorrespondingresearchmethodsarewellconditionedtosupersedethebarrierspresentedbycontrastingareasoffocus.ItonlyhelpsthatPark,DrakeandCaytonallof fertheoriesofemer gencewhichbelonginaclassbythemselves,andaredestinedtoinspireamuchlar gerconversation.W orkCited:Drake,S.C.&Cayton,R.(1945).TheBlackMetr opolis:AStudyofNegr oLifeinaNorthernCity .Harcourt,BraceandCompany;NewY ork.Garner ,R.,&BlackHawkHancock.(2014).SocialTheory:ContinuityandConfr ontation:AReader .UniversityofT orontoPress;T oronto.Park,R.(1936).HumanEcology(pp.65-73).AmericanJournalofSociology.